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          The news this morning for Citigroup, Inc., one of 
          Enron's largest creditors, is bad. 
           
          The New York Times reports that "senior credit 
          officers of Citigroup misrepresented the full nature of a 1999 
          transaction with Enron in the records of the deal so that Enron could 
          ignore accounting requirements and hide its true financial condition, 
          according to internal bank documents and government investigators." 
          The Wall Street Journal reports that Enron "marketed similarly 
          structured deals to a slew of other companies." And yesterday, the 
          Washington Post reported that Citigroup, along with J. P. Morgan Chase 
          & Co., "transferred billions of dollars to Enron ... in recent 
          years in what amounted to loans that Houston energy trader concealed 
          as it struggled to survive." 
           
          Given the central role played by Citigroup in 
          concealing Enron's debt from investors, the general public, and 
          government regulators, why, then, hasn't former Clinton treasury 
          secretary, Robert Rubin, now the chairman of Citigroup's executive 
          committee, been called to testify before Congress? In particular, why 
          hasn't the chairman of the Senate Governmental Affairs Committee, 
          Senator Joseph Lieberman, sought Rubin's testimony? After all, 
          Lieberman is heading up the Senate's investigation into Enron's 
          bankruptcy and fraudulent dealings. 
           
          And there's ample reason to hear from Rubin. In 
          addition to this week's disclosures about Citigroup's assistance in 
          cooking Enron's books, during Enron's final days Rubin played a direct 
          role in attempting to conceal Enron's financial condition from 
          credit-rating agencies. Specifically, on November 8, 2001, Rubin made 
          a telephone call to Peter Fisher, the Treasury Department's 
          undersecretary for domestic finance, seeking Fisher's intervention 
          with Wall Street credit-rating agencies on behalf of Enron when those 
          agencies were about to downgrade Enron's ratings. 
           
          As reported on January 12, 2002 by the Associated 
          Press, according to Treasury Department spokeswoman Michele Davis: 
          "Rubin asked Fisher what he thought of the idea of Fisher placing a 
          call to rating agencies to encourage them to work with Enron's bankers 
          to see if there was an alternative to an immediate downgrade. Fisher 
          responded that he didn't think it advisable to make such a call. Rubin 
          said he thought that was a reasonable position. Fisher made no such 
          call." 
           
          Rubin's spokesman, Michael Schlein, told AP that 
          Fisher's characterization of the phone call was "largely accurate." He 
          added that Rubin "had prefaced the call by saying, 'This may not be 
          the best idea,' and in the end agreed with Fisher that it wasn't a 
          good idea." Neither the fact that the call was made nor the purpose of 
          the call are in dispute. 
           
          Moreover, AP reported that at a March 21, 2002 
          hearing before Lieberman and his committee, John Diaz, managing 
          director of Moody's Investors Service, a major credit-rating agency, 
          Diaz testified that Rubin had contacted him about seeking a higher 
          credit rating for Enron. Diaz said nothing came of Rubin's telephone 
          call. However, this was the second time Rubin intervened in an attempt 
          to keep Enron's credit rating high. 
           
          When asked why credit-rating agencies delayed the 
          lowering of Enron's rating, Diaz said that Enron executives lied to 
          his agency in the fall of 1999 about its complex web of partnerships 
          and that "material information was missing." 
           
          Consider Lieberman's remarkable reply: "I feel as if 
          you weren't as aggressive as you should have been. We have got to look 
          seriously at creating some kind of system of accountability and 
          monitoring of what the agencies are doing." 
           
          Yet, Lieberman knew that Rubin, on behalf of 
          Citigroup - which had an approximate $1 billion investment in Enron 
          and the potential of large merger and other fees in pending deals - on 
          at least two occasions, sought personally to protect Enron's credit 
          rating. Still, as best as I can tell, Lieberman has never asked Rubin 
          to testimony before his committee. Furthermore, Carl Levin, chairman 
          of the Senate Governmental Affairs Committee's Permanent Subcommittee 
          on Investigations, which is holding a hearing today on "The Role of 
          the Financial Institutions In Enron's Collapse," has, to the best of 
          my knowledge, not sought Rubin's testimony. (An inquiry I made to 
          Levin's subcommittee asking whether Rubin would be a witness at 
          today's hearing went unanswered.) 
           
          On January 14, 2002, while being interviewed about 
          Enron's collapse on the NewsHour with Jim Lehrer, Lieberman said, in 
          part: 
           
          The stock was being touted by executives of the 
          company, while they, in fact, were selling theirs and average 
          stockholders were holding on and in the process of losing their life's 
          savings, so this was a really shocking and unsettling scandal in which 
          greed and arrogance, deception and fraud and maybe criminal behavior 
          was involved. 
           
          Lieberman's supposed concern for "average 
          stockholders" and "their life's savings" clearly doesn't outweigh his 
          political interests in covering up Rubin's central role in helping to 
          prop up Enron and protect Citigroup's investments. If Lieberman were 
          to force his fellow Democrat to testify about his conduct, the 
          Democrats might lose their election-year issue. Meanwhile, Citigroup's 
          stock value has declined by more than ten percent, to the lowest level 
          in nearly three years, on news of its deceptive activities. 
           
          First published July 23, 2002 
          http://www.nationalreview.com/levin/levin072302.asp
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